Trong tháng năm 1998, cư dân San Francisco, chủ sở hữu câu lạc bộ ban đêm và các công nhân đã tổ chức một cuộc họp thị trường để phản đối 'Soho-ization Nam của vùng lân cận thị trường, được trìu mến gọi là "Soma". Trọng tâm của cuộc biểu tình của họ là những phát triển mới đang được thực hiện bên cạnh hoặc ở vị trí đa dạng, các tòa nhà mixeduse hiện đang đặt gia đình nhập cư, các nghệ sĩ, bắt đầu các công ty, và các nhà sản xuất. Dữ liệu địa lý về Soma. | Part II PPGIS case studies 2002 Taylor Francis Chapter 4 A voice that could not be ignored community GIS and gentrification battles in San Francisco Cheryl Parker and Amelita Pascual INTRODUCTION In May 1998 San Francisco residents night club owners and workers held a town-hall meeting to protest the Soho-ization of their South of Market neighbourhood affectionately known as SoMa . The focus of their protests were the new developments being made next to or in place of diverse mixed-use buildings that currently housed immigrant families artists start-up companies and manufacturers. Geographic data about SoMa showed that it was fast transforming from a blue-collar neighbourhood into a chic residential and retail district. One central source of data was the SoMa community s GIS-based living neighbourhood map . Used to start a conversation with policy-makers the map sought to illustrate changes in development that portended zoning changes at a city-wide level. The May 1998 meeting came to represent the beginnings of a complex deliberative and democratic process focused around parcel politics and the politics of space. Parcel politics is the politics of space at the smallest and most complex level. It is grounded in the idea that a great urban place is composed of a complex mix of spaces and places that can accommodate a wide variety of interdependent users. Until recently few planning tools have enabled the kind of deliberation or debate characteristic of parcel politics. Instead for the latter half of the twentieth century planning tools and the political arena have focused on area-wide planning and development. For example zoning practices have segregated land-uses and created vast districts of single use while redevelopment and urban renewal practices have often razed neighbourhoods thereby erasing intricate webs of streets and mixed uses and replacing them with mega-block developments of just one or a few uses. SoMa s zoning on the other hand was an experiment